The occurence of the earthquake Essay Example for Free

The occurence of the earthquake Essay The occurrence of the earthquake hazard and the highest level of vulnerability is centred upon the economically developing nations. Discuss the truth of this statement and make recommendations concerning how LEDC’s might manage the earthquake hazards. Earthquake hazards are one of the three geological hazards that occur. Earthquakes have lots of energy that cause destruction on the planet. There are up to 3000 earthquakes per year and about 30 cause serious damage. Most of the damage occurs in LEDC’s because poor infrastructure and housing is not earthquake proof. The way forward is to manage earthquakes hazards in LEDC’s so when they do strike the area is not likely to suffer lots of damage and loss of life. The earth is made up of many different plate tectonics, some large like the Pacific plate and some small like the Nazca plate. Most activity happens are plate boundaries and there are three types of boundaries. Destructive plate boundaries are where one plate the less dense Nazca (sima) is sub ducting under another more dense plate, South American (sial). Conservative plate boundaries merely slide place each other and are quite inactive. Earthquakes are very rare here compared to destructive plate boundaries. There is also constructive plate boundaries, where plates are pulling apart and sea trenches and ridges appear. When friction builds up between the two plates moving towards each other cause friction to release and cause an earthquake. LEDC have highest amount of vulnerability due to the amount of poor infrastructure and poor emergency response. The seismic gap theory helps scientists accurately predict where an earthquake is going to occur, however they cannot say when. Istanbul in Turkey is on the 1500 km fault line called the San Antonio. Scientists are able to say that Istanbul will be the next spot because of the accurate prediction of the Izmit Bay Earthquake. It is before Istanbul on the fault line and scientists said it was next in 1998 and in August 1999 their predictions came true. It was a magnitude of 2. 4 and lasted for approximately 45 seconds. Just because Turkey is considered an LEDC’s doesn’t mean that it has a more likely chance of an earthquake occurring. Japan is seen as a MEDC and is a hotspot for earthquakes as it is the meeting point for plates such as the Pacific from the East and the Eurasian from the west. Kobe has an earthquake in 1995 and caused mass destruction to the area. It caused 4,500 deaths and upto 100,000 people were made homeless. It was seen as the most costly disaster in history because Kobe is a developed city and its infrastructure and buildings collapsed in the disaster. 56,000 buildings were destroyed and many electricity and gas lines were disrupted. It came as a shock when so many buildings collapsed as back in 1981 new building regulation were introduced. To make buildings earthquake proof it is only a couple of percentage of the total cost of the building so it is worth it. However many of the buildings in Kobe are old and the cost of upgrading them would be between $50-100 billion. Mexico is also a hotspot for many earthquakes as it is on the meeting point of the plates. The subduction of the Cocos Plate under the North American plate has created the mountain range in Mexico is also the cause of many eartquakes and volcanoes. Mexico City has a large population of 8. 8 million inhabitats. The city has a problem as it is built on a lake. The area has been drained, but when an earthquake occurs liquefaction happens and this is where buildings sink in the muddy soil. One building is considered the safest in the world and it is located in New Mexico, Mexico. Torres Major has foundations that are 3 times as deep as the Empire Building at 60m. These steady foundations go into the hard bedrock beneath and absorb the energy from the earthquake. The designer Dr Leonardo Zeevaert when took the project on considered ways in which he could make the building as earthquake proof as possible. Shock absorbers were added to the buildings so that when the earth shock the building would move with it. This was to prevent the building becoming to stationary and beening shock to death when a earthquake occurs. Although Mexico City has one of the safetest building much of the rest of the city has no such luck. More than 1,000 private homes need more attention, but they have no where else to go, so the work cannot take place. There is also severe overcrowding in the city which has caused 32 apartments in the city to be crammed with 450 people. This has caused the problem of families knocking down supporting walls to make the apartments bigger. Knocking down walls has caused the buildings’ stability to weaken and more chance of collapsing. There is also the problem that there is no building regulations and no education to the local people about how to make homes safer, which should be the government’s priority. LEDC’s are more likely to suffer building damage because of poor construction and unreliable building materials. In Istanbul, Turkey the country should try and get ready for the earthquake that is predicted to come, however they are not. There has been an increase in the number of buildings both illegal and legal due to the increase of population that are migrating to the capital. 50% of the new builds are illegal as the contractors are more concerned about money and profits than safety. It is predicted that if the earthquake happens about 70% of the buildings will be flattened due to the vibrations. It would be recommended that for places like Turkey, to rigorously enforce building regulations. There should be an improvement in the way buildings are designed such as having deeper foundations or added cross bracing for more stability. The way in which concrete is mixed is also important in helping the structure be sturdier. Overall lots of damage has occurred in LEDC’s because of lack of money in building better and more earthquake proof buildings. In the future places like Turkey that are bound to have an earthquake should have more inspectors to enforce and insure better housing is built. Although Mexico has built the safest building in the world, they have neglected much of the private houses in which the poorest of people live. If there is an earthquake in the near future Mexico and other LEDC countries will still have the same destruction as they did before.

Emotional Poverty Within Material Wealth in Romeo and Juliet Essay

Shakespeare centers Romeo and Juliet on the tension of opposing forces, including the conspicuous dichotomies of life and death, peace and war, and young and old. But Shakespeare also explores the underlying theme of emotional poverty within material wealth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The affluence of the Capulets is apparent in the first act, when the stage is continually adomed, between scenes, for the family's banquet. First, before Juliet's initial appearance in 1.3, long crimson tapestries are unfurled from the gallery to coverthe cracked marble ofthe facade, and the bench is given an ornate cushion and the fountain a decorative cover. Before 1.4, a festive garland is strung acrossthe gallery, and additional benches are carried onstage. Finally, before the masque begins in 1.5, candelabra with burning candles are brought in to flank the gallery.   Romeo is seen brooding alone on the balcony. His first sighting of Juliet is then strikingly staged. All the revelers below, except Juliet, suddenly freeze in their motions, ghostly white masks held up to conceal their faces, and the stage darkens except for spotlights upon Romeo and Juliet. The grandeur of the Capulet home is dimmed into relative non-existence as Romeo and Juliet's sudden love springs to life. Shakespeare's stopped-motion technique is employed once more during the masque, again to dramatic effect. After Tybalt's rage against Romeo's intrusion is quelled--by a slap trom Capulet--the stage is again darkened, and the partygoers are once more frozen. their faces concealed behind the masks. Romeo and Juliet speak with each other for the first time, gracefully dancing in an emotionally charred circle at centerstage, Romeo attired in green velvet and Juliet in a splen... ... David Kortemeier depicts his earnest but ineffectual Friar Lawrence with dry humor and real fondness for Romeo. Shakespeare briskly paces the concluding scenes. He emphasizes the swiftness of events and multiplying misfortunes rather than lingering on moments as he had done with earlier sequences. This approach works welI in evoking the rapidity of the tragedy, but it deprives the play of some of its power. For example, Romeo's dying kiss with Juliet is followed immediately, almost comically, by the entrance of the Friar, well before the tragic nature of the double-suicide has had a chance to be fully absorbed. Nevertheless this production is effective drama, due especially to directorial prowess and a slew of rich supporting perfommances. Works Cited: Shakespeare, William. Romeo and Juliet. Eds. Maynard Mack and Robert Bayton. Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1981.

Social Networks and the Arab Spring

â€Å"An Examination of the Role of Online Social Networks in the Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt in 2010-11† In the academic research and journalism about the Arab Spring, there are contrasting views surrounding the importance of the Internet and online social networks in the success of the uprisings. Did the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt give validity to Egyptian Google executive Wael Ghonim’s claim that â€Å"if you want to liberate a society, just give them Internet† (Ghonim CNN), or was the function of online social networks greatly exaggerated by international media to highlight Western ideals of democracy?This research paper will closely analyze the extent to which these online social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, mobile phone networks, and YouTube were used as tools for the organization and mobilization of civil disobedience in Tunisia and Egypt in 2010-11. It will examine the role and impact of online social networks and will assess whether they we re merely extensions of offline communities or if they played an integral and mandatory role in these uprisings.Though this paper will investigate the range of opinion on the impact of digital media in the Arab Spring, it will argue that online social networks played an integral role for Tunisian and Egyptian citizens in their rapid and successful uprisings. Online social networks blur geographical boundaries, which create opportunities for widespread communication, effective organization, mobilization of citizens, and the sharing of videos locally and internationally.Before the proliferation of digital media in the Middle East, these opportunities were not available to citizens and communication was limited to individual communities or offline networks. The combination and collaboration of already established offline networks, various digital technologies, and online social networks lead to the success of the civilians in overthrowing their governments.Despite the years of civil di scontent and corruption in both the Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak governments, revolution did not occur until digital media provided the opportunity for different communities and individuals to unite around their shared upsets and create mobilization strategies online. In Tunisia and Egypt, â€Å"social media have become the scaffolding upon which civil society can build, and new information technologies give activists things that they did not have before: information networks not easily controlled by the state and coordination tools that are already embedded in trusted networks of family and friends† (Howard 2011).It will be shown that although online social networks act as an extension of the offline public sphere, their role in these uprisings was integral in creating an organizational infrastructure and to generate international awareness and aid against the corrupt governments. Discontent had been brewing in Tunisia for years during President Zine El Ben Ali’s rule. I n 2009 he was reelected for a fifth term with an overwhelmingly fraudulent 89% of voters (Chrisafis, 2011).Despite years of suffering from an oppressive regime, rising unemployment rates, and censorship, it was not until the self-immolation of a vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, was documented and transmitted online that the revolution gained the awareness and support it needed to make a difference. There had been previous acts of protest, but â€Å"what made a difference this time is that the images of Bouazizi were put on Facebook† (Beaumont, 2011).A relative of Bouazizi, Rochdi Horchani, went so far as to state, â€Å"we could protest for years here, but without videos no one would take any notice of us† (Chrisafis, 2011). The revolutions in Tunisia inspired Egyptian activists to use similar tactics to evoke change in their own corrupt government. Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak ruled over Egypt from 1981 to 2011, when he was overthrown by the organized and effective protes ts of Egyptian citizens.Although social media and digital technologies had little to do with the underlying sociopolitical and socioeconomic factors behind the civil discontent, they played a rapid role in the disintegration of these two regimes. In addition, even though corruption had been occuring for many years in the governments, â€Å"all inciting incidents of the Arab Spring were digitally mediated in some way† (Hussain, 2012) whether it was documented and disseminated online or discussed on an online social network.The corruption and discontent of the citizens may have inevitably lead to protests in both countries, but â€Å"social media was crucial† (Khondker, 2011) due to it’s communication and organizational abilities. The cruciality of online social networks and digital technologies is contested by theorists who argue that â€Å"other sociological factors such as widespread poverty and governmental ineptitude had created the conditions for extensive public anger† (Hussain, 2011) and that these preexisting conditions caused the revolutions.Several pundits including Gladwell and Friedman argue, â€Å"that while Facebook and Twitter may have had their place in social change, the real revolutions take place in the street† (Hussain, 2011). Though these theorists are correct in their attribution to the already existing political discontent for the preconditions to the revolution, online social networks acted as a necessary extension of offline social networks and action. It is likely the successes of the protests in the streets would not have been as large without the communication potential of digital media.One pundit attributed the lack of violence in the revolutions to the digital media stating that the use of online social networks â€Å"may have less to do with fostering Western-style democracy than in encouraging relatively less violent forms of mass protest† (Stepanova, 2011). Now that citizens had other ve ssels to communicate internationally and were no longer censored and controlled by their state regulated media, the governments could not be so open about their brutality.Pundits such as Gladwell and Friedman overlook the fact that â€Å"digital media allowed local citizens access to international broadcast networks, networks which were then used by online civil society organizations to lobby advocacy campaigns† (Hussain, 2012). It was these social networks that aided Tunisian and Egyptian citizens with their success in the streets. The Arab Spring has also been attributed the nickname of â€Å"The Twitter Revolution† (Stepanova, 2011) due to the large role Twitter and Facebook played in the uprisings.This nickname gives light to another contrasting perspective about the importance of online social networks being highlighted by international media to emphasize the role of Western ideals of democracy. Due to the fact that digital technologies and online social networks proliferated the West before the Middle East, the U. S claims credit for the democratizing effects they had on the Middle East during the Arab Spring (Stepanova, 2011). By emphasizing the power of new technologies in spreadingWestern democratic values, this approach ignores the socioeconomic and social equality dimensions of the massive protests in the Arab world. Ekaterina Stepanova states that â€Å"the automatic connection [The United States] makes between social media and a Western-style democracy agenda† (Stepanova, 2011) is a weak link in U. S policy. Social media tools with identical functions can operate differently in developed versus developing countries.It was not just the Western media which stressed the role of online social networks in the Arab Spring, but also local media and the civilians themselves. The role of Twitter and Facebook may have been emphasized in Western media due to their nationalistic attitude, but this should not downplay the actual importance that these technologies held in the uprising. During the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, social networks were the key factor in the communication, mobilization, and organization of civilians.Civilians used their mobile phones or computers to access online social networks where they could discuss and plan tactics for the revolution, and disseminate messages and photos of what was occurring. During the anti-Mubarak protests, an Egyptian activist put it succinctly in a tweet: â€Å"we use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world† (Hussain, 2012). In the ‘Jasmine Revolution’, the role of mobile phones was integral in both sharing and receiving information. The phone acted as a tool which aided in the extension of offline networks into online.Now, civilians did not need to be face to face to communicate messages of discontent or plans for rebellion as they had mobile networks. The ability to message many people at one ti me of access their Facebook or Twitter from their phone was invaluable to the rebels. Reporters without Borders stated that â€Å"the role of cell phones also proved crucial [in Tunisia]. Citizen journalists kept file-sharing websites supplied with photos and videos, and fed images to streaming websites† (Reporters without Borders, 2011).It was not just the vast communication abilities that aided citizens in the revolt, but by putting cameras in the hands of a plethora of Tunisians they became citizen journalists with the ability to show what was happening to them to the world. The ability for citizens to take part in news is very valuable as this was a time where all media broadcast institutions were state run. The great difference between what was being reported about through the citizens versus the state allowed those uprisings to share their side of the story.Government censorship was a huge problem in both Tunisia and Egypt, but censorship â€Å"made the new media more relevant† (Khondker, 2011). Social media was very useful for the citizens as it â€Å"brought the narrative of successful social protest across multiple, previously closed, media regimes† (Hussain, 2012). It was due to the mobile phone and heavy proliferation of online social networks that citizens could show proof of the injustices that were occurring through photo and video documentation on an international scale.In addition, communicating online was very effective for civilians since they could plan out offline protests with a mass audience. As stated, the internet blurs geographical boundaries, which allows revolutionary leaders and advocates to find each other and communicate online. Social networks such as Facebook and Twitter provided citizens with a platform to discuss plans of action and reach mass audiences. The ability to reach so many people online was essential since â€Å"information and communication networks can serve as powerful accelerators of social transformation† (Stepanova, 2011).Facebook groups such as â€Å"We Are All Khaled Said† enlisted 350,000 members before the 14th of January (Khondker, 2011). This group provided the members with an incomparable medium of communication to anything offline social networks could provide. In addition, other than attempted media blackouts by the governments, communication was rather unlimited online. Activists posted relatively freely, which indicated that â€Å"new information technology has clearly the transformative potential to open up spaces of freedom† (Khondker, 2011).The idea of online spaces as democratic and free draw upon Jurgen Habermas‘ concept of the public sphere. There are integral benefits of the internet in relation to Habermas’ public sphere, such as the vast library of easily accessible information, a new platform for critical political discussion, the blurring of spacial boundaries, and the embracing of new technology. In the Arab Spr ing, the usage of the internet empowered Habermas’ concept of deliberative democracy, which highlights â€Å"the role of open discussion, the importance of citizen participation, and the existence of a well-functioning public sphere† (Gimmler, 23).Habermas holds that deliberative democracy is based â€Å"on a foundation that enables the legitimacy of the constitutional state and civil society to be justified† (Gimmler, 23). He separates the â€Å"constitutional democratic state and its parliamentary and legal institutions, on one side, and the public sphere of civil society and its more direct communication and discursive foundations, on the other† (Gimmler 24). The opposition between the corrupt governments and civilians was represented on online social networks.Civilians used social networks as spaces of deliberative democracy, which acted as an online public sphere. Henry Brady states that â€Å"meaningful democratic participation requires that the vo ices of citizens in politics be clear, loud, and equal† (Hindeman, 6), online social networks give power to those voices that are silenced by state regulations. The fact that â€Å"information technologies have opened up new paths to democratization and the entrenchment of civil society in many Arab countries† (Hussain, 2012) attests to their function as a public sphere.Though there were effective offline social networks such as the Church, family, and friends, â€Å"the networks of people who did mobilize, did so with the direct application, initiation, and coordination, of digital media tools† (Hussain, 2012). Online social networks acted as extensions of offline networks that were already present, but also provided the opportunity to reach a much larger amount of people. The plans and decisions made on the online networks made the offline protests so successful. Virtual networks materialized before street protest networks† (Hussain, 2012), which shows th e importance of online social networks. In the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, there was no single social network that was completely responsible for the success of the revolution. Instead, it was the combination of mobile phones, the internet, and traditional broadcast media which aided citizens in forming powerful networks which strengthened their cause. Castells defines a network society as â€Å"a society whose social structure is made of networks powered by microelectronics-based information and communication technologies.By social structure, [he] understands the organizational arrangements of humans in relations of experience and power expressed in meaningful communication coded by culture† (Castells, 2004). This definition accurately describes the atmosphere in both Tunisia and Egypt during their revolutions due to the reliance on online social networks. In both Tunisia and Egypt, there was a manifestation of technology which aided citizens in communicating. Social net working sites, instantaneous internet, and always-available mobile phones created a powerful network which allowed citizens to always be connected to each other.Some degree of formal organizational and informal networks is necessary for revolution in order to communicate and plan. Egyptians utilized heavy social media connectivity through the use of the mobile device via texting of internet through their phone rather than personal computer. One Egyptian citizen tweeted on January 26th, 2011 â€Å"You who have Twitter and Facebook working on your phone, use them to spread words of hope. We won’t let this end here #jan25 was just the start† (Boyd, 2011).Citizens were encouraging each other to avoid traditional forms of communications via the internet to avoid government censorship and interference. Castells stated that â€Å"thus was born a new system of mass communication built like a mix between an interactive television, internet, radio and mobile communication syste ms. The communication of the future is already used by the revolutions of the present† (Castells, 2011, emphasis on the original) when describing the use of technologies in the Arab Spring. The issue of censorship posed a large barricade on the protesters due to their reliance on social networks and the internet.The Ben Ali regime realized the importance of Facebook in early January 2011 and stepped up their censorship with attempts to curb the heavy distribution of photos of protests and repression. There was increasing interest from the foreign media due to the power of ICT’s in spreading the story worldwide, which also influenced the state to up online censorship. The head of the Agencie Tunisienne d’Internet (ATI) said â€Å"the number of websites blocked by the authorities doubled in just a few weeks. More than 100 Facebook pages about the Sidi Bouzid events were blocked, along with online articles about the unrest in foreign media†¦ olice also hacked into Facebook accounts to steal activists passwords and infiltrate networks of citizen-journalists† (Reporters Without Borders, 2011) . It was the power of networks which allowed the citizens to overcome the censorship of the government. Due to the many options of communications devices, when one was blocked citizens would resort to another. In addition, citizens found ways around the internet blockage and activist hacker groups rebutted with hacks on government websites and found technical ways to pass on news and demands from inside Tunisia.The positive role of technology within the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt cannot be disputed. Although, such heavy use of technology caused the corrupt governments to attempt to intervene, the positives far outweigh the negatives. Information and communications technologies allowed oppressed citizens to rise above the government through the power of mobility, networks, and information. The portability of the cell phones partnered with the creation of networks through the multiple technologies utilized allowed the voice of the citizens to be heard worldwide.The positive effect these technologies had in empowering the both the Tunisians and the Egyptians is clear in the mere rapidity that they overthrew their corrupt governments once they started revolting. In addition, it is clear that these ICT’s had a large effect since the government responded so harshly towards them, clearly feeling threatened. Overall, it is evident that ICT’s played a large role in the effective and swift revolutions which started the domino effect of the Arab Spring. *Copy Right- Nobody has permission to use my work in their own academic research*

Depression The Most Common Form Of Mental Illness

Depression, a serious epidemic in the nation, is a sickness that makes one feel sad or upset throughout the course of their daily lives. This illness called depression affects many people’s lives, does it not? This is here to analyze and explore how depression is one of many serious epidemics in society, why it’s important to know about, how it affects people, and what ways there are to help them. Depression, the most common form of mental illness known has taken over a quarter of the American population, ranging from teenagers to adults, it’s highly different from regular sadness which just goes through everyday life, and if left untreated, it could last a lifetime with people diagnosed and may never recover from depression. First off, how does depression affect society? 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